E.3 Does economic power affect pollution controls?
In the last section (E.2), we noted that wealth can affect how
environmental and other externalities are dealt with in a capitalist
system. This critique, however, deliberately ignores other important
factors in society, such as the mobility of capital and its resulting
economic and political power. These are important weapons in ensuring
that the agenda of business is untroubled by social concerns, such as
pollution.
Let us assume that a company is polluting a local area. It is usually the
case that capitalist owners rarely live near the workplaces they own,
unlike workers and their families. This means that the decision makers do
not have to live with the consequences of their decisions. The
"free market" capitalist argument would be, again, that those affected by the
pollution would sue the company. We will assume that concentrations of
wealth have little or no effect on the social system (which is a highly
unlikely assumption, but never mind). Surely, if local people did
successfully sue, the company would be harmed economically -- directly, in
terms of the cost of the judgement, indirectly in terms of having to
implement new, eco-friendly processes. Hence the company would be
handicapped in competition, and this would have obvious consequences for
the local (and wider) economy.
Also, if the company were sued, it could simply move to an area that
would tolerate the pollution. Not only would existing capital move, but
fresh capital would not invest in an area where people stand up for their
rights. This -- the natural result of economic power -- would be a "big
stick" over the heads of the local community. And when combined with the
costs and difficulties in taking a large company to court, it would make
suing an unlikely option for most people. That such a result would occur
can be inferred from history, where we see that multinational firms have
moved production to countries with little or no pollution laws and that
court cases take years, if not decades, to process.
Furthermore, in a "free market" society, companies that gather lists of
known "trouble-makers" would be given free reign. These "black lists" of
people who could cause companies "trouble" (i.e. by union organising or
suing employers over "property rights" issues) would often ensure
employee "loyalty," particularly if new jobs need references. Under wage
labour, causing one's employer "problems" can make one's position
difficult. Being black-listed would mean no job, no wages, and little
chance of being re-employed. This would be the result of continually
suing in defence of one's "absolute" property rights -- assuming, of
course, that one had the time and money necessary to sue in the first
place. Hence working-class people would be in a weak position to defend
their "absolute" rights in free market (or "libertarian") capitalism
due to the power of employers both within and without the workplace.
All these are strong incentives not to rock the boat, particularly if
employees have signed a contract ensuring that they will be fired if they
discuss company business with others (e.g. lawyers, unions),
“That’s a big honor,” commented Larry. “The passenger, while they were high up, threw something and hit the pilot, the seaplane went out of control, the man jumped—and then cut free his parachute, cut the sack holding the emeralds, and hid in the swamp.” “I see a light,” Sandy said as the airplane swung far out over the dark water. “A green light, but the hydroplane wouldn’t carry lights.” "No, no; it's a good deal, but it ain't too much. Not that it could be more, very well," he added, and he glanced furtively at the woman within, who had stretched out on the lounge with her face to the wall. Mrs. Taylor was fanning her. But though the 21st of January was to be the day of the grand attack on the Ministry, the battle was not deferred till then. Every day was a field-day, and the sinking Minister was dogged step by step, his influence weakened by repeated divisions, and his strength worn out by the display of the inevitable approach of the catastrophe. The first decided defeat that he suffered was in the election of the Chairman of Committees. The Ministerial candidate, Giles Earle, was thrown out by a majority of two hundred and forty-two to two hundred and thirty-eight, and the Opposition candidate, Dr. Lee, was hailed by a shout that rent the House. Other close divisions followed. The fall of Walpole was now certain, and he would have consulted both his dignity and comfort in resigning at once. This was the earnest advice of his friends, but he had been too long accustomed to power to yield willingly. He was oppressed with a sense of his defeats, and the insolence of enemies whom he had so long calmly looked down upon without fear. He was growing old and wanted repose, but he still clung convulsively to his authority, though he had ceased to enjoy it. "Should think they was bride and groom, if they wasn't so old." "March them right over to that shed there," said the Major, "and the Quartermaster will issue them muskets and equipments, which you can turn over again when you reach Chattanooga. Good-by. I hope you'll have a pleasant trip. Remember me to the boys of the old brigade and tell them I'll be with them before they start out for Atlanta." The train finally halted on a side-track in the outskirts of Chattanooga, under the gigantic shadow of Lookout Mountain, and in the midst of an ocean of turmoiling activity that made the eyes ache to look upon it, and awed every one, even Si and Shorty, with a sense of incomprehensible immensity. As far as they could see, in every direction, were camps, forts, intrenchments, flags, hordes of men, trains of wagons, herds of cattle, innumerable horses, countless mules, mountains of boxes, barrels and bales. Immediately around them was a wilderness of trains, with noisy locomotives and shouting men. Regiments returning from veteran furlough, or entirely new ones, were disembarking with loud cheering, which was answered from the camps on the hillsides. On the river front steamboats were whistling and clanging their bells. "Go out and git you a rebel for yourself, if you want to know about 'em," Shorty had snapped at the Orderly. "There's plenty more up there on the hill. It's full of 'em." "Drat 'em! durn 'em!" "He's dead," said Realf. Should you leave me too, O my faithless ladie!" The odds were generally on Reuben. It was felt that a certain unscrupulousness was necessary to the job, and in that Backfield had the advantage. "Young Realf wudn't hurt a fly," his champions had to acknowledge. Though the money was with Reuben, the sympathy was mostly with Realf, for the former's dealings had scarcely made him popular. He was a hard man to his customers, he never let them owe him for grain or roots or fodder; his farm-hands, when drunk, spoke of him as a monster, and a not very tender-hearted peasantry worked itself sentimental over his treatment of his children. Caro was frightened, horrified—she broke free, and scrambled to her feet. She nearly wept, and it was clear even to his muddled brain that her invitation had been merely the result of innocence more profound than that which had stimulated her shyness. Rough seaman though he was, he was touched, and managed to soothe her, for she was too bashful and frightened to be really indignant. They walked a few yards further along the path, then at her request turned back towards Odiam. Calverley reluctantly departed on his mission, cursing the interruption that prevented his enjoying the degradation of his rival, and the baron now inquired whether Holgrave had confessed himself his villein. HoME国家产免费一级毛卡片
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